My dear Nawojians and our guests, I am strengthened in my belief that we hold a common interest about our great and enviable Nigeria. A country of great promises and vigorous citizenry.

            I bring you good tidings, from the Coal City, the beautiful city, the great city on the hill! I bring good tidings from my people.

            I stand before you today, as you know, not as a journalist. I stand before you today, not as a political scientist. Certainly not as a politician because you know, barely two years ago, I abandoned my stethoscope in the United States of America (USA) and joined in the train of the concerned and motivated who seek to duplicate the values of the organized world for an emerging third world democracy.

            I can proudly tell you that in his national assignment, which puts me on this podium, you have a Nigerian who is concerned but who strongly believes that we can hold on to and improve on this promise.

            As a concerned countryman who holds the belief that you are also concerned, I am elated that there is this common bond, hope, aspiration, inspiration, drive as well as the strength of character to act now for the benefit of our promising society.

            I have no doubt in my mind that you believe in the efficacy of the alternative views which must have informed your choice of my humble self to do this edition of your annual lecture.

            It could not have been that you were ignorant of my professional antecedents. It could not have been that you were unaware that your speaker today is not a journalist, even if he can pass as a keen and enlightened observer. And for sure, it could not have been that you were unaware that having held fort in a state as unique as Enugu, I would have developed some startling perspectives on the print and electronic media, and their followers across the country.

            Well, with a sense of humility, but a limitless depth of responsibility, I tell you that it is possible that you would have served a strong purpose in targeting a receiver, dispassionate analyst and strong believer in the alternative viewpoint. My dear Nawojians, I stand before you as a democrat with a stronger belief in the big picture.

            You need not worry that I am not an Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, MCK Ajuluchukwu, Bob Ogbuagu, Herbert Macualay, Ikenna Nzimiro, Alade Odunewu, Abubakar Imam - those colourful journalists and liberation fighters whose sweat earned us our modem Nigeria. I am always reminded of the divine blessing of Nigeria by these men whose time and actions solidified the Biblical injunction that "the preparations of the heart in man, and the answer of the tongue, is from the Lord" (Proverbs, 16:1). Their hearts desired and their actions were "established" today for the blessing of the lord on our great country. Indeed that rich history of our liberation struggles had in its battle field great women fighters and rights protagonists who contributed in no smaller measures than their male counterparts in the efforts at rescuing Nigeria from colonialism.

            We all are not unfamiliar with such great mother-hens as Funmilayo Ransome Kuti, Janet Mokelu, Margaret Ekpo, Hajia Gambo Sawaba, Eno Florence Ita and those other mothers in history who fought that we have a country.

            Decades ago in 1929, great Nigeria women of courage in Aba... who had foresight and selflessness, took our emerging democracy to new heights in their rejection of total oppression.

            But have we not always been lucky in the stock of womenfolk in our midst? I think we are if we cast our minds back to our history. Even among what could be called pre-Nigeria states - kingdoms and empires - we always had women who had the courage to give a good account of themselves. There was Moremi, who turned out to be the only solution to the repeated invasion of old North Eastern Offa and Kabba by certain Igbo expansionists who were never tired of seizing towns and villages in their quest for territories.

            In Zaria, Queen Amina made the difference just as Isi Adagwu Momoh of Igala led her fellow women to rout the then war mongering Benin invaders of the 18th century. In the same vein, the legendary Mgba Ogodo of Afikpo had successfully mobilized the women folk to quench the territorial greed of Abam-Ohofia at a time every force had given in to those fiery fighters.

            Great Nawojians, you can stand proud and tall, unbending in the knowledge of a great heritage. Let nobody tell you, you are nobody, for you are somebody. Great models of dignified African womanhood. Are you not great when in a little space of time you have created a healthy alternative view among journalists? Are you not great when you have taken the welfare of women, children and widows to heights unprecedented in Nigeria history? Are you not great when you have wiped the tears of many an oppressed woman in our unfair society? Are you not great when the Enugu Chapter of NAWOJ, which came to be in 1989, achieved a great legislative feat in the state where it successfully pushed in a pro-women bill in the state assembly? You are great! And great!! And great!!!

             Now, as we read and play out the history of Nigeria's quest and fight for political freedom and democracy, we continue to see and experience the cardinal role, which the press had played, and which the press has continued to play in the struggle. And as we read the history, and as we follow events in the other parts of the world, we are constantly reminded that the press will remain a major army in our on-going battle to save and entrench democracy in our great country, Nigeria. More importantly, the press is not just a fighting army; the press plays the critical and unique role of mobilizing and enlisting other soldiers in the battle. I regard this latter role a far more important role, especially in the context of our present day Nigeria. What the press says, and how the press says what it says, would go a long way in tipping our fortunes one way or the other in this great struggle.

            I am therefore very pleased for this opportunity to review and reinforce the role of the press in the evolution of democracy in Nigeria. My pleasure in taking up this task at this time is informed mainly by my conviction, that having run democracy, or a good semblance of it, in our dear country for nearly two years now, we must present an interim report to our people who are mortally thirsty for, and rightly entitled to, good governance. It is my belief that this report must aim to reinforce the rationale for democracy to our people and further seek to strengthen their interest in it. The report must also remind our people of the system we have transited from - decades of military dictatorship characterized by non-direction, neglect, social deprivation, wanton infrastructural decay and abuse of rights and erosion of the dignity of men and women.

            I therefore consider this opportunity a rare honour and a singular privilege. Again, in humility, but with a deep sense of responsibility, I convey my appreciation and immense regards to all NAWOJIANS. Our Government and the entire people of Enugu State thank especially the indefatigable Kande Daniel, who in consultation with our team, has had to reschedule this event in order to accommodate my own schedule. I am personally touched by Mrs. Daniel's knack for compromise, a quality, which we so much need in Nigeria today; a quality, which we also lack so much in Nigeria today. Little wonder Mrs. Daniel has been able to work effectively as abridge-builder, who has developed reliable channels of communication and cooperation both at home and across national boundaries. Kande, your book on Ibrahim Alfa, has highlighted your concern for national cohesion and accommodation.

The Press and Nigeria's Democracy:

            For nearly two eventful years now, we have been on the road of democracy. For two years, a lot has happened. The world, they say, is a stage. We have seen all sorts of actors play out their parts. And it would seem that different people have acted for different reasons and in furtherance of different missions. Some players have also played for the benefit and to the delight of the people. Some players have played for their individual delight. Some players are yet to understand and define the nature of their act. We have all played along nevertheless.

            But I thought that the press in the struggle for democracy in Nigeria had always worked hard to define our goals with unqualified courage and flawless logic and vision. In articulating the thrust of the struggle of democracy and self-rule in 1910, J. Bright Davies, the publisher of the defunct Nigerian Times, one of our early newspapers, defined the Nigerian challenge thus: ".. .even like the tower of Babel, the political, social and economic fabric of this nation's existence is threatened with decay and ruin under a ruthless policy of government t...and must be rescued from the cheats. We may differ in style but we are the natives who own this land, as we have one motive". Davies' statement was to be amplified by Richard Akiwande Savage who wrote in the Nigerian Spectator of May 29, 1923 that "...the safety of the people in modern society depends upon the free and untrammeled expression of enlightened public opinion and no where is this more imperative at present than in Nigeria. "

            Gentlemen of the press and our great NAWOJIANS, it was nearly a century ago since those statements were made. And now, do we look back at those stretches of battlefields and say we have not had heroes? Do we look back and say that we have not had visionaries? Do we look back and say that we have had no statesmen among the gentlemen and ladies of the press? The answer as you well know is a loud "No". Men and women dared and paid for it; and we have had much to show for it. This much you know about your profession.

            Even though the average African leader or follower was at the woods in respect of the then emerging Euro-imperial order, of the late 19th century, there was a common consciousness among our people that "this land is ours". This land is still ours. As the annexation of Nigeria through gun-boat diplomacy in the South-West, economic/religious pacifism in the East and aristocratic romanticism in the North, got fully underway, our forebears had raised their voices and arms so strongly. So, even as cunning and ruthless as the invaders were, the caliphate representing the then magnificent (Saakwato) Sokoto empire had thundered to Lord Luggard; (Kasara mu che) = Kasarmu ce: "this land is ours", "leave it for us and return to your country".

            In the South-West, the roar was as loud as it was persistent – Ileini tawani; esile fuwa) = lleini tawani; esile fuwa – “this land is ours, leave, leave it for us”.

            Ndigbo, both of the East and West Niger areas, were riotous in their demand for their freedom to do their things their ways. Kwara nu laa; alaa bu nke anyi - "pack your things and go, this land is ours", they bellowed, along with their compatriots in today's South-South and North Central. A flight had ensued and the forces were marshaled. The rest, as they say, is history. But then, we know that those who occupied and ravaged Nigeria in the 16 years before May 29, 1999 were our kinsmen who would not pack and go.

            Ordinarily, the freedom of expression of Nigerians in the defence of their personal rights, and in the defence of democracy ought to have maintained an uninterrupted upswing. Actually, it was supposed to have firmed up on the bold moves of the latter-day journalist-politicians such as the late Rt. Hon. (Dr.) Nnamdi Azikiwe (the Great Zik), who founded the greatest champion of its time - the West African Pilot; the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who established the living Tribune, as well as such strong activists as MCK Ajuluchukwu, Bob Ogbuagu, Abiodun Aloba, Osita Agwuna, Raji Abdallah, Abubakar Iman, Mokwugo Okoye, Increase Coker and other tough stuff, who took on the storm and never softened until we got our independence from colonial rule.

            I must confess gentlemen and NAWOJIANS that these were not the last of media men with guts. In fact, if your forebears had had to soften on the ground of the feeling of accomplishment and temporary tranquility brought about by the success of the independence struggle, the turmoil of the first republic, the injustice of the civil war and its aftermath, the ruthless occupation of an era of a pillaging military misrule, had toughened your immediate senior colleagues and so, the fight had to be sustained.

            I strongly believe that, in the same spirit of your older colleagues, you had also battled the military in their last, and, I dare say, final outing on our landscape. Those soldiers I said earlier were Nigerians who would not "pack and go", even though they had descended on our beloved fatherland and our resources in ways more invidious and in manners more rapacious than the foreign colonial invaders and fortune seekers. I say, with a doze of embarrassment, that Nigeria was re-colonized in the years of military misrule and we never knew State objectives until May 29, 1999. Each time I recall that day of all days, I also recall with pride and respect the great women and men of the press in Newswatch, Tell, The News, ThisDay, The Guardian, The Post Express, Vanguard, The Punch, Concord, Tribune, Champion, and the others who had dared the very worst perils and handed back our old Nigeria to us.

            Even while I sojourned overseas, I was aware of such men and women of valour: the late Dele Giwa, Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, Nosa Igiebor, Emma Agu, Kola Ilori, George Mba, Kunle Ajibade, Ben Charles Obi, Chris Anyanwu, Babafemi Ojudu, Idowu Obasa, Dare Babarinsa, Dapo Olorunyomi, Bayo Onanuga, Pini Jason, Yakubu Mohammed., Chuks Iloegbunem and other great patriots who had to work and wait to be marched to jail, anyhow, to have Nigerians live their right of expression. As it were, they confronted the worst of political evils, which colonialism could not - and would not -have perpetrated on a people without blinking. Isn't this enough cause for us to be happy and proud about our men and women who did indeed demonstrate the power of the pen? Are we not justified in concluding that we have largely, as Davies enjoined our forebears in 1910, succeeded in rescuing the country once again from the cheats?

            Indeed, fighting the internal repressive machinery such as our past military rulers, without bungling the State itself, even as the soldiers were determined never to go without a fight was a good show of skill in modem warfare. But as the battle is fought and won and attention shifts to a new set of challengers, the fighters must redefine the thrust of the new battle; the fighters necessarily must redefine the strategy to fight and win the new battle. This is the battle to save and advance the frontiers of democracy in our beloved country. This is the new battle, which the press, as it did in previous battles, must fight and win.

The Press and our New Democracy

            Interestingly, the gentlemen and ladies of the pen, who fought the last battle, are still very much around. And they have quickly embarked on the new endeavour to have our people appreciate the values of their hard-won democracy and the demands, of a vigilant citizenry in the future of the nation. And it is true that our men and women of the pen are now poised to plow into the inquiry of what this democracy has offered our people in the past two years. Both the celebrated and yet to be sung have hit the road in evaluating the quantum of the gains of democracy. Now, are we really straining too hard to find any benefits, which our people have derived from democracy?

            Frankly, I have always held the view that a society where elementary items of life are lacking is one still at its cradle and must be quickly raised to a foundation for meaningful relationship within the world. In that regard, it is only when you settle these that we begin to talk of advancing the society along with the people. Yet my attitude does not remove the truth of this as falling within the precincts of "bread and butter."

            It was to the credit of our founding fathers that the foundation had been laid for our "bread and butter." This was such that at the last count in 1965, just before the military incursion into the body politic, every region in Nigeria instituted enough industries, pipe borne water, roads, etc, for the society to ride into the arena of sophisticated societies. Then, our emerging manpower was perfectly fitting into our growing economic ventures.

            In the East, the Michael Okpara government had achieved something close to 12.8 percent growth rate, the fastest in its time. There were already the Niger gas plant, Niger cement, Asbestos, Nigersteel, the Hotel Presidential, many farm settlements, etc.

            More recently at the Federal level, the Olusegun Obasanjo military administration had expanded our economic base when it erected refineries, built highways, expanded the universities and colleges, housing, agriculture and the others.

            Now in claiming that the democracy of two years has not met the entire expectations, have we as very intelligent men and women taken a dispassionate look at the whole picture; or have we been simply swimming in the sea of public sentiment? Have we, as Savage advised in 1923, ensured that the opinion we are promoting is actually enlightened or coming from profound knowledge? Have we actually evaluated the new Government against a standard that is practically attainable in the context?

            As writers and analysts, I put it upon you today the burden of properly situating the effect of military misrule on our country, especially during the last sixteen years prior to May 29, 1999. But let me quickly quote one of you in the Insight magazine of April 26, 1994. He wrote "...the military in government is an occupation force, and as an occupation force, it is arbitrary, it will loot, rape, pillage and despoil; above all, it will deliberately destroy to leave evidence of effective occupation."  These we witnessed in the sixteen years preceding May, 29 1999.

            Apart from the structures and institution, which were developed in the mid-1970s, the successive military governments did very little to maintain or expand these structures and institutions. In fact, available evidence supports the contention that instead of building, these military adventurers and invaders pounced on what was existing and did not leave the stage until every bond of communality was tom, and the fabric of our social, political and economic coherence had been ruptured. We really found ourselves riding on the superhighway to perdition and national calamity. I doubt if there is anyone in this hall who did not feel it, and who did not suffer a personal loss, during that season of anomie. On this note, I hasten to raise the question: have we really taken a look at these issues in establishing the standard on the basis of which we have begun to assess the gains of our new democracy? I strongly refuse to treat as fair any standard of evaluation, which chooses not to evaluate our current efforts against the backdrop of our immediate antecedents.

            Our journalists, the great purveyors of immediate history, I assume you must have estimated the quantum of damage done by the immediate past military locusts in politics. I challenge you, as historians to inform our people about the last time NEPA plants - Egbin, Kainji, Shiroro, Afam, Oji, etc. were maintained. Still on NEPA, which is a major

point of reference for measuring the effect of our new democracy: I challenge you to inform our people the last time all NEPA generating plants operated at full capacity. I also challenge you to inform our people about the last time the Government embarked on the expansion of the electric power transmission network in the country. I also challenge you to inform our people about the right time it would take, and the amount of money it would cost, to do these things, which were left undone for over a decade. I challenge that champion of investigative journalism to do a thorough study of NEPA; I challenge her to do a thorough study of NNPC; I urge him or her to do a proper study of the maintenance history and problems of our highways; I challenge her to do a similar study of our education system. I also challenge our great patriots of the press, in your duty to inform our people, to tell them exactly where we were by the dawn of our new democracy. Are we sure that we have, through our stories and articles, shaped a proper expectation framework for the public? This is the challenge of the new battle.

            Of course, those who take the issue of garri, akpu, tuwo and the other basic staple meals too highly in their rating of complex democracy have good points in declaring that first we must settle the democracy of the belle. Definitely, we must settle it but isn't it proper that we take a closer look at what we have gone so badly into, lately?

            One of these is the state of social and economic being of our people - the citizens of Nigeria. Whereas 84 percent of the average Nigerian was socially and economically uplifted beyond poverty in 1964, poverty level rose from 28.1 percent of the population in 1980 to 46.3 percent in 1995. In 1996, it was statistically established that about 65.6 percent of Nigerians were below poverty line. In other words, over 67.1 million Nigerians were afflicted by the endemic nature of poverty. Now, if you’re shocked by that revelation, you will almost suffocate for the 1999 and 2000 report which revealed that Nigeria had degenerated over the years as over 87 percent of the population were under firm arrest by crushing poverty. Presented the other way, over 87 percent of Nigerians could not make ends meet and were likely exposed to the cold hand of slow death brought about by disease, hunger, ignorance and want.

            Recently, I took a look at the Vision 2010 Report on road development in Nigeria, and I would like to share the information I obtained with you. By the time the report was written, we had 32,000 kilometres of federal roads, 31,000 kilometres of state roads and 132,000 kilometres of local government roads. The Report estimated that 50% of federal roads, 70% of state roads and 95% of local government roads were in poor condition. Once again, I challenge you to find out more on other aspects of our national life.

            Let me talk about what we met in Enugu State. Do you know that some urban water pipes never had water in them for over thirteen years prior to May 29, 1999? Do you know that successive administrations had spent several millions of Naira on one particular road since 1993, without anything to show for it except brown dust - the same road we reconstructed in less than three months? Do you realize that pupils in our schools were compelled to study under the shade of trees and on sand dust? Do you know that civil servants and pensioners had become accustomed to going without pay for several months, and had virtually lost the right to protest? Do you know that some judges, permanent secretaries and other highly placed functionaries of the State were trekking to work?

            The devastation was so much at every level that the two-year old democracy ought to be left with the challenge of getting a semblance of order of things for our society, first, to begin to work again as a functional system. Now, I ask: if our people, and for this matter, journalists (analysts, opinion writers and editorialists) appreciate the level of decay occasioned by the mindless and reckless destruction of the past sixteen years of military occupation as Gwoni Muktar of the Insight has described it, have we then endeavoured to appreciate the tedium of establishing the order of things first, before we begin our journey into social, political and economic rebirth? This threshold determination is imperative.

            Please permit me to quote our own classical Bumni Oni, the Cicero of the Nigerian business terrain, and the Managing Director of Cadbury PLC, as he spoke at the annual lecture of the Nigerian Institute of Production Management just last month. He said: "We are like a nation devastated by earthquake, it takes time to clear the rubbles first. Until that is done, no construction should be embarked upon. .What this administration should do is to concentrate on clearing the rubbles and leave the building to other subsequent administrations." Oni summarized that the dividends of democracy cannot be achieved even within one year of democracy particularly ours where the military held sway for over 30 years.

             But, in spite of this, and in full appreciation of the emergency nature of the times, the discerning section of the political class has defied this natural order of things, and has gone ahead to embark upon immediate national reconstruction, and with some various degrees of success.

            But have we not rushed to evaluate the performance of our new democracy without a dispassionate consideration of the issues? Have we not gone ahead to proclaim, on the strength or weakness of what is now interpreted as happening in the court of power that the entire guard of leadership of our dear country must be swept out? While it is not my role to take up the case of any political leader who has not impacted in any meaningful way on the lives of the people in the last several months, it is nevertheless my duty to ask that we take a closer look at what we may call democracy dividends in its intrinsic form. We must try to appreciate the quantum of destruction - its devastation, and the attendant confusion - which had (and which still has) confronted us after the most pernicious period of military occupation on Nigeria. We must also bear in mind that we have just emerged from an era during which we were effectively ostracized by the international community. And we must realize that the fresh air of freedom that we breathe today, the fact of our acceptance among the international community must be a credit to our current political leadership. And these are also real gains and dividends of democracy.

            I have also wondered whether the existing political structure of this country - the fact of a unitary federalism, if I may describe it as such - does not operate as another limitation on the potentials of our new democracy? Let us take two aspects of our so-called federalism. First, let us take look at the capacity of the administrative machinery of the Federal Government. Let us also, for purposes of illustration, take the notorious question of federal highways. Do you know that while the Federal Government has 32,000 kilometres of roads to maintain, 50% of which require re-construction, the State Governments put together have 31,000 kilometres of roads, that is an average of 861 kilometres per State? Do you think that the Federal Highways department is not over-stretched vis-a-vis its state counterparts? Do you think that it would not be more efficient and expeditious were the Federal Government to construct and maintain federal highways through the ministry of works of the various State Governments? Do you not think that the delay in executing some federal road projects, even after funds have been earmarked for that purpose is as a result of the structure of the system? Do you not think that some of these things could be more speedily done by State Governments, albeit, with Federal Government funding and monitoring? Then, let us look at the twin questions of revenue allocation and true federalism. Do you think that the State and Local Governments are allowed control of enough resources, and have enough funds, to do their best in the circumstance? But then, we cannot blame the present leadership for the structural defect in our polity.

            Even at this moment, we hold the view that the untold ravages of a centralized military misrule were fostered and encouraged by the defective unitary structure of our federation.

            At the Conference of the Southern Governors, we demanded an economic and political restructuring of this country. Some of our countrymen have taken offence on the ground that our quests for fiscal and physical restructuring were misconceived and perhaps mischievous. But what we are canvassing is for the common good. Restructuring and true federalism as far as we are concerned means no more than freeing up the creative energy of the people of Nigeria so that every man may be rewarded according to his efforts. And for a society in search of immediate dividends of democracy, tell me how best to realize this if not by getting all available hands on deck?

            Indeed, the urge to canvass the need for a true federalism in Nigeria, and the drive, albeit by constitutional means, to have it etched in our law books are indeed an outstanding dividend of democracy. Today, Nigerians have begun to savour the hope of a true federalism and the prospect of and equitable formula for resource allocation. We owe this to our new democracy and to the new culture of unfettered freedom of expression, which was canvassed and won by our forebears such as Davies, Savage, Azikiwe, and Ajuluchukwu.

            Today, Nigerians bring up for national debate topics, which were hitherto considered political heresy. We no longer hear of 'treasonable felony'. Rather, we hear the refrain: “He has stated his opinion, and he is entitled to it”. You can also state your own opinion, I tell you now, you are entitled to it. That is the civilisation, which is fast embracing us. But there also lies the odd against the journalist who must safely navigate the torrents of these several viewpoints and come up with an enlightened opinion on the issues. The depth and intensity of our appreciation and analysis of these viewpoints, and the facts and data in support of each position, I must tell you, gentlemen and NAWOJIANS, constitute the bedrock of the future of our democracy. Here lies the burden of the journalist, particularly the analytical minds. This is in taking the entire dimensions of the issues and not just scratching the surface. We will all agree that this old good path has not been trodden recently. And we must all agree that this path must be re-established.

            My dear friends of the Fourth Estate, while we celebrate the seasoned proclamation that “the people must be informed” as Wilbur Schramm puts it, let us take a step further to ensure that “all the issues must be explained”. So, why not let the people be informed with all the issues explained and based on our proper understanding and knowledge of the issues at stake. Let us even take in the great Lord's Biblical admonition: “say not thou; what is the cause that the former days were better than these? For thou dost not inquire wisely concerning this”. Ecclesiastics 7: 10.

An Impression

            Ladies and gentlemen, the complexity of the nation, the extent of decay occasioned by the long years of military rule, the flight of reason, the collapse of the economy, the deterioration of our culture and learning as well as the socio-political confusion, which appear to be the lot of our national life and which have consequently bogged down our new democracy must be explained. I make bold to say that the justice of objective reporting is not done when the journalist avoids the foundational perspective and arrives the page or tube with the surface of the indices. Such cannot be complete, as the people would not have been informed; and the perspective of the reader or audience would have been driven further into abyss of darkness. And the journalist would have failed in his or her sacred duty.

            We have to choose to ignore the fancy of joining in the refrain just because it is popular. I enjoin you today to report our new democracy well, evaluating our efforts at bringing about orderliness against the backdrop of the vast disruption we are emerging from.

            We believe that the democratic experience under President Obasanjo has been very rewarding. The average worker goes home with a near 300 percent increase in wages. There is marked infrastructural development in the land. Nigerian's international acceptability is unparalleled compared to what had obtained in over the two decades before May 29, 1999. There is a glorious dawn in our land. There is joy in the land, for democracy is good. After decades of military dictatorship, when the norm was for women to die in child birth, for kids to die of diarrhea, for parents to agonize over school fees, period marked by absent middle class, with great societal divide between the rich and the poor, and in which the rich were getting richer and the poor were getting poorer, we ought to be, indeed, glad that there is democracy in our land, today. The return on the people's investment in the democratic experience is the democratic dividend. Indeed, it is not the security forces; it is not the legislature, nor the judicature that will protect democracy. It is the people that will fight for democracy.

            Sons and daughters of our land, in fighting to defend democracy, will have the Almighty God as their General and the dividend of democracy as their armour.

            To God, indeed, be the glory.